Legitimate Quest To Establishing Rival Government And Reforming The Reformists
By Deng Vanang,
September 04, 2016(Nyamilepedia) —— The return to durable peace being far off sight while is similarly unnecessary for some, the quest to form rival government in South Sudan is now more conceivable than ever. The dire state of affairs has been consolidated by none other than recent infighting in TGONU. When gunshots blared out of Presidential Palace on Friday, July 8th this year, effectively hitting the last nail on the coffin of the once ailing and moribund August, 2015 peace accord.
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The debacle followed one opposition politician after another in proclaiming the collapse of sickly peace deal after it was fatally shot at in J-1, seemingly to announce the timely opportunity for the entire opposition family to regroup and face the daunting task of beginning all over again the country’s liberation from the alleged no-holds barred totalitarianism.
The same declaration may also signal a clear warning against past failure to seriously plan, and which if not heeded, could serve to prove the cliché of planning to fail once again.
Much as it is known to everybody that Transitional Government of National Unity, TGONU has fallen apart with painful return to bush of the leader of SPLM/A-IO and former First Vice President of the Republic, Dr. Riek Machar and remaining in the Presidential Palace of SPLM/A-Juba’s leader, General Salva Kiir.
Despite one dashing back to bush and another firmly remaining in the Palace, their dual mandate to govern together with all structures of state has been constitutionally rendered obsolete. And neither of whom lacks legitimacy to claim from people – currently fragmented into factional loyalties until they are forced back to implement the same peace deal as it was drafted and signed.
Kiir continuously calling himself legal President of all South Sudanese in defiance of these constitutional bottlenecks can be considered as absurd as it is laughable nullity by any sensible legal minds. Since the title remains contestable as can be equally subjected to challenge by SPLM/A-IO and all rebel coalition partners in declaring Dr. Machar President in his own domain as well.
Machar to consolidate his Presidential claim, can continue in earnest with the implementation of purposed structural reforms in the rebel controlled areas until each and every bit of the country is pulled away from beneath Kiir’s feet.
The main object of ushering in these reforms is to win over multitudes of local people and humanitarian/human rights crusaders for both him and his would be formed rival government.
That is so long as he establishes all kinds of civil administrative institutions as pillars of the said reforms replete with rules and regulations of good governance.
Although these good gestures may promise some degrees of future social incentives and security guarantees, are by no means be considered political contract officially struck between leadership and the masses. Unless the top brass furthers and concretizes them into popular demand arising from broad – based public consensus that constitutes supreme will of the people and which in turn connotes what makes a sovereignty.
The reforms to be genuinely implemented may not only endear his movement and himself to the local populace and international community per se, but also to show how best he and IO can run the country in future when he becomes an overall President.
SPLA-IO’s soldiers exemplary code of good conduct, already shown so far by not indulging in killing, raping and robbing civilians while waging the war, can all along serve as the guiding principle towards building such credible rival civil administration in rebel territories.
Where liberal democracy and structural reforms shouldn’t just be empty phrases to be theorized about as it was done by SPLM/A in the past civil war against the defunct Sudanese state, but that must be rationalized from now on ward into South Sudan’s post war political posterity. Lest the country under IO ‘s rule in future affords parroting vain rhetoric of good governance and only to relapse into yet another brutal civil war shortly after having squandered invaluable human and material resources.
With ideologically orientated civil service and political appointees first be respectively nominated and vetted by select pools of competent technocrats and restructured National Liberation Council, NLC before final appointment by the movement’s Chairman and Commander-in-Chief as President.
Similar process can be replicated at concurrently established lower administrative units under the auspices of state and county liberation councils headed by Governors and Commissioners respectively.
The movement’s leadership must as well steer clear from prioritizing the delusion of pursuing an already proven and costly political dilly dallying and dysfunctional diplomacy as siding of most Igad countries and world power United states with Kiir’s regime is now public knowledge.
Leaving the movement with no any other option than adopting more radical policy reforms by waging a brutal civil war as the first priority in order to head Kiir and cronies back to rightful implementation of just and sustainable peace deal in the country.
Armed opposition is not to blame for resorting to war. It is rather state’s deliberate and open complacency to blame for failing to embrace mutually agreed up on peaceful remedies to conflict that justifies ‘’just war theory’’ as last resort whatever the cost may be, provided it can bring about lasting peace.
Those not interested in war option within IO and the entire rebel coalition in order to attain such popular demand may likely be faulted and resultantly purged off into political irrelevance by an array of enraged pro- war politicians and army Generals.
Since what can be discerned in these pro-war proponents from a safer distance is that three years of failed diplomacy to bring war to its peaceful end is more than enough to bear and change from an illusionist politics to military pragmatism, thereby expeditiously moving to secure the country from what many repeatedly rile as ethno-egocentric and exclusionist system, or else no country for a handful opportunists to enjoy.
Deng Vanang is a political scientist, journalist and author, he can be reached through firstname.lastname@example.org.
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